Tag Archives: press freedom

DOJ LinkedIn Subpoena for Reporter’s Records Goes Public

A DOJ LinkedIn subpoena seeking a journalist’s interactions on the platform has come into public view after months of sealed litigation, surfacing during a federal court argument in Virginia. The Justice Department is seeking details of approximately 1,900 LinkedIn interactions involving six users, in connection with an unspecified national security leak investigation.

The request was granted in June by a judge in the Eastern District of Virginia. Attached to it was a non-disclosure order barring LinkedIn from telling the affected users that their records had been demanded — which is why nobody knew until now.

The shape of the demand

Two features distinguish this from a routine records request. The first is breadth: 1,900 interactions across six accounts is a wide net for an investigation into a single leak. An attorney for LinkedIn argued in court that the order is overly broad, and breadth is the hinge on which most third-party subpoena fights turn.

The second is secrecy. A non-disclosure order means the people whose records are sought cannot object, because they do not know. The platform becomes the only party in a position to push back, which puts the burden of defending a journalist’s source protection on a corporation with no obligation to carry it. Editor and Publisher set out the sequence in its account of the case.

An unusual coalition

Google, Apple, Meta and X have all backed LinkedIn’s position, joined by the American Civil Liberties Union and the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press. Competitors rarely align on litigation; they have done so here because the precedent applies to all of them equally. If a sealed order can compel one platform to hand over communications metadata without notifying users, it can compel any of them.

The Nieman Journalism Lab summary of the dispute notes that a panel of the Richmond-based Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals described the stakes in unusually stark terms: a search for balance between life-and-death national security interests and the First Amendment protections that let reporters keep sources confidential, particularly when investigators go to third parties to get them.

Why the third-party route is the whole argument

Subpoenaing a journalist directly is legally fraught and politically visible. Subpoenaing the company that holds the journalist’s messages is neither. The records exist because a platform stored them, and the platform — not the journalist — decides whether to fight.

That asymmetry is the structural issue the case exposes. It is the same dynamic, in a different register, as the data-retention questions raised by the incidents in our roundup of the largest breaches of 2026: information that users did not consciously choose to preserve becomes available to whoever can compel the holder.

The wider regulatory current

Platforms are being pulled in two directions at once. Compliance regimes require them to retain and produce data; privacy and speech protections require them to resist. Europe’s approach, traced in our explainer on the EU AI Act’s high-risk deadline, puts obligations on the systems themselves. The pressure to control machine access to content, covered in our piece on Cloudflare’s crawler blocking, is another face of the same contest over who gets to read what.

What this means for people who use the platform

The practical takeaway is not that LinkedIn is uniquely exposed. It is that professional networking platforms hold a category of data most users never think of as sensitive: who contacted whom, when, and how often. Contact graphs and message metadata do not require message content to be revealing. For a leak investigation, knowing which six accounts interacted is frequently the whole objective.

Journalists and their sources have long understood this about phone records. The same logic applies to any platform that timestamps an interaction, and users generally have no way to know whether their records have been demanded when a non-disclosure order is attached.

What comes next in the case

The Fourth Circuit panel now has to decide whether the order stands, is narrowed, or is set aside. Any of those outcomes sets a reference point for how far a sealed subpoena to a platform can reach in a leak investigation. The non-disclosure element is the part most likely to draw scrutiny on appeal, because it removes the affected party from the proceeding entirely. Whether the underlying leak investigation is ever described publicly is a separate question, and in cases of this kind the answer is usually no.

Understanding the case

What is the DOJ LinkedIn subpoena seeking?

Prosecutors are seeking details of roughly 1,900 LinkedIn interactions involving six users, in connection with an unspecified national security leak investigation.

Why did this only become public now?

A judge in the Eastern District of Virginia granted the request in June and attached a non-disclosure order preventing LinkedIn from telling the affected users. The dispute surfaced during a federal court argument in Virginia.

Which companies are supporting LinkedIn?

Google, Apple, Meta and X have backed LinkedIn’s position, alongside the American Civil Liberties Union and the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press.

What is LinkedIn’s legal argument?

An attorney for LinkedIn argued that the order is overly broad — that is, that it sweeps in far more communication than any specific leak investigation could justify.

What is the constitutional question?

A panel of the Richmond-based Fourth Circuit framed it as balancing the government’s national security interests against First Amendment protections that allow reporters to keep sources confidential, particularly when investigators seek those sources from third-party platforms.

Does this affect people outside the United States?

Potentially. LinkedIn operates globally, and a US court order to a US-headquartered platform can reach records of interactions involving users in other jurisdictions.

Global State of Democracy Report Puts US at 50-Year Low

The United States has recorded its lowest level of democratic performance in the 50 years the measure has existed, according to the Global State of Democracy report published this week by International IDEA. The finding sits inside a wider pattern the intergovernmental body describes as broad-based democratic decline across its 174-country index.

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The headline finding

International IDEA’s annual assessment, reported on 15 September, places US democratic performance at its lowest point since measurement began in 1975. Seema Shah, who heads the organisation’s democracy assessment team, told NPR that among countries in decline, “the clearest example, unfortunately, is the United States”.

The report’s own language on 2025 is direct. It says President Donald Trump “quickly amassed power in the executive branch and wielded it to further a narrow set of personal goals and pursue retaliation against perceived enemies”, and that the results have been far-reaching, “undermining the rule of law domestically and internationally and testing long-standing alliances and multilateral cooperation”.

That is International IDEA’s characterisation, not a neutral finding of fact, and it is worth naming as such. The organisation is an intergovernmental body with an explicit democracy-promotion mandate, and its index reflects a particular definition of democratic performance.

What the index actually measures

The Global State of Democracy indices cover 174 countries with data running back to 1975, which is what allows the 50-year comparison. This edition assesses changes between 2020 and 2025, so it captures a five-year window rather than a single year’s events.

The measure is composite. It aggregates indicators grouped around representation, rights, rule of law and participation, each built from expert assessments and observable data. A country’s score can fall without any constitutional change, because the index is tracking practice rather than statute — how elections run, whether parliaments function, what happens to journalists.

The global picture

Researchers observed the same pattern across many countries: severe drops in the scores measuring freedom of expression, freedom of the press, credible elections and effective parliament. Those four are the components most sensitive to executive pressure, which is why they tend to move together.

The reporting period covers a stretch in which several established democracies held contested elections under strain. Sweden’s recent vote, which we covered in our report on the 2026 result, is one of the tests of whether European systems absorb polarisation without institutional damage. The parallel story on the other side of the ledger is the consolidation of alternative multilateral blocs, set out in the BRICS New Delhi declaration.

How to read the claim

Three qualifications belong with the headline. First, “lowest in 50 years” is a statement about a specific index, not a universal ranking; other democracy measures use different indicators and produce different orderings. Second, the window ends in 2025, so it does not capture events in 2026. Third, a decline in performance score is not the same as a regime classification change, and International IDEA does not claim otherwise.

None of that makes the finding trivial. The value of a 50-year series is precisely that it can distinguish a bad year from a trend, and the report’s argument is that the recent movement is a trend.

Where this goes from here

The report lands days before the UN General Assembly’s high-level week, where the 81st session convenes under a theme built around restoring trust in multilateral institutions. Expect the findings to be cited in that debate, and contested in it.

The more consequential question is domestic. Indices of this kind influence risk assessments, development funding decisions and the framing used by opposition parties and civil society groups. Whether the US figure moves in the next edition will depend on the same four components that fell this time — press freedom, expression, electoral credibility and parliamentary effectiveness.

Questions readers are asking

Who publishes the Global State of Democracy report?

The International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, known as International IDEA, an intergovernmental organisation that produces the annual index.

How many countries does the index cover?

The report tracks democratic performance across 174 countries, drawing on data going back to 1975.

What period does the 2026 edition assess?

This edition focuses on changes in democratic performance between 2020 and 2025.

Which measures fell most sharply?

Researchers recorded severe drops in scores for freedom of expression, freedom of the press, credible elections and effective parliament.

Is the United States the only country in decline?

No. International IDEA describes a broad global pattern of decline; it singles out the United States as the clearest example rather than the only one.

Does a low score mean a country is no longer a democracy?

No. The index measures performance on a set of indicators over time. A fall in score signals deterioration on those measures, not a formal change of system.

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NAZA Documentary Venice Prize Sparks Israeli Citizenship Row

Israel’s culture minister, Miki Zohar, said he would move to revoke the citizenship of filmmakers Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor after their Gaza documentary took a Special Jury Prize at the Venice Film Festival. The NAZA documentary Venice prize was announced at the festival’s closing ceremony; within days the minister had called the film vile, described the award as shocking, and said the pair’s actions amounted to treason against the state.

The statement and who made it

Zohar holds the culture and sport portfolio in the Israeli government and has previously intervened in funding and platform decisions involving Israeli film. His statement, carried by Israeli and international outlets on 13 and 14 September, named both directors and framed the award as a reward for betraying the country.

Abraham is not an unknown quantity in Israeli public debate. He co-directed No Other Land, which won the Academy Award for best documentary feature, and he has been a persistent critic of Israeli policy in the occupied territories. Szor was a cinematographer on that film. The Times of Israel logged the minister’s call in its liveblog; Deadline reported the same demand from the trade side.

What the film claims

NAZA runs 80 minutes. According to the festival’s official synopsis, it examines Israel’s use of AI-assisted targeting systems during the Gaza war, including a system referred to as Lavender, and argues that those systems produced mass civilian casualties. The film received a lengthy standing ovation at its premiere, reported at around 25 minutes.

Those are the filmmakers’ and the festival’s characterisations, and they should be read as such. Israel has consistently rejected the claim that it deliberately targets civilians in Gaza and has said its targeting process includes human review. The existence of AI-assisted target generation in the Gaza campaign has been reported by Israeli and international outlets since 2024; the disputed question is what weight those systems carried in decisions and what review they received. A documentary prize does not settle that dispute, and this report does not attempt to.

Speaking to Haaretz, the directors said they intend to distribute the film inside Israel — which would move the argument from a festival in Venice to Israeli cinemas and regulators.

Whether the threat can be carried out

Probably not by the person making it. Israeli citizenship law does not give the culture ministry any role in revocation. The power sits with the interior minister, on limited statutory grounds including breach of loyalty to the state, and its use requires a court. Israeli courts have treated the provision as exceptional and have been reluctant to leave people stateless, which international law disfavours.

So the realistic reading is that the statement is political rather than procedural: a signal to a domestic audience, and pressure on distributors, broadcasters and funding bodies that do answer to the culture ministry. That second effect is the one worth watching, because it does not need a court.

A pattern, not a one-off

Ministerial responses to Israeli films that criticise the conduct of the war have become routine since No Other Land‘s Oscar, ranging from funding threats to calls for boycotts of ceremonies. Meanwhile the diplomatic environment around Israel has tightened: several Western governments have moved on trade measures tied to settlements, and the Gaza war continues to shape votes at the United Nations.

What makes this case sharper is the target. Stripping citizenship is not a funding decision or a rhetorical boycott; it is a proposal to remove a person’s legal membership of the state because of the content of a film. Even as an unenforceable demand, it sets a marker that press-freedom groups are likely to contest.

What follows: watch for whether the interior ministry says anything at all, whether Israeli distributors take the film, and whether the attorney general’s office comments on the legality of the demand. Any of those three would turn a statement into a process.

Reader questions

What is NAZA?

An 80-minute documentary about the Gaza war by Israeli filmmakers Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor, which won a Special Jury Prize at the 2026 Venice Film Festival.

What did Israel’s culture minister say?

Miki Zohar said he would act to revoke the two directors’ Israeli citizenship, called the film vile and the award shocking, and said their conduct constituted treason.

Can a culture minister revoke citizenship in Israel?

No. Revocation runs through the interior minister on narrow statutory grounds and requires a court. The culture ministry has no role in the process.

What does the film allege?

According to the festival synopsis, it examines Israel’s use of AI-assisted targeting systems in Gaza, including one referred to as Lavender, and argues they produced mass civilian casualties. Israel rejects the claim that it deliberately targets civilians.

Have these filmmakers won awards before?

Yuval Abraham co-directed No Other Land, which won the Academy Award for best documentary feature; Rachel Szor worked on that film as a cinematographer.

Will the film be shown in Israel?

The directors have said they intend to distribute it there. Whether Israeli distributors and cinemas take it is unresolved.

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